Ahead of the Round 8 talks the Prime Minister issued a Statement in which he stated - "There needs to be an agreement with our European friends by the time of the European Council on 15 October if it’s going to be in force by the end of the year. So there is no sense in thinking about timelines that go beyond that point. If we can’t agree by then, then I do not see that there will be a free trade agreement between us, and we should both accept that and move on."
The UK left the EU
on 31 January and operates, until the end of 2020, in the transition period which has undoubtedly covered over the likely economic impact from January 2021 if there is no free trade and other arrangements. Greater time for negotiation was available by way of extending the transition period and to do so would have made good sense but the Johnson government opted not to request an extension.
The UK's departure from EU membership is governed by an international treaty - referred to as the Withdrawal Agreement (WA). A part of the WA is the Northern Ireland Protocol. There is also a Political Declaration but that, unlike the WA, is not binding in international law.
Speaking in the House of Commons today (8 September) Mr Brandon Lewis MP (Secretary of State for Northern Ireland) stated that a UK Internal Market Bill will be published on 9 September.
The 8 September debate was concerned with the UK's legal obligations under the Northern Ireland Protocol. The full debate is available at Hansard House of Commons 8 September 2020
Concern arose during the debate that the UK was intending to bring forward a Bill which, if enacted into domestic law, would breach the WA or Northern Ireland Protocol. Here are two of the exchanges:
The
Secretary of State has said that he and the Government are committed to the
rule of law. Does he recognise that adherence to the rule of law is not
negotiable? Against that background, will he assure us that nothing that is
proposed in this legislation does, or potentially might, breach international
legal obligations or international legal arrangements that we have entered
into? Will he specifically answer the other point: was any ministerial
direction given?
I would
say to my hon. Friend that yes, this does break international law in a very
specific and limited way. We are taking the power to disapply the EU law
concept of direct effect, required by article 4, in certain very tightly
defined circumstances. There are clear precedents of this for the UK and,
indeed, other countries needing to consider their international obligations as
circumstances change. I say to hon. Members here, many of whom would have been
in this House when we passed the Finance Act 2013, that that Act contains an
example of treaty override. It contains provisions that expressly disapply
international tax treaties to the extent that these conflict with the general
anti-abuse rule. I say to my hon. Friend that we are determined to ensure that
we are delivering on the agreement that we have in the protocol, and our
leading priority is to do that through the negotiations and through the Joint
Committee work. The clauses that will be in the Bill tomorrow are specifically
there should that fail, ensuring that we can deliver on our commitment to the
people of Northern Ireland.
The
answer to Sir Robert Neill is a clear statement from the MInister that the UK
government does intend to break international law "in a very specific and
limited way" by taking power to "disapply the EU law cobcept of
direct effect .. in certain very tightly defined circumstances."
This
prompted a question from the former Prime Minister:
The
United Kingdom Government signed the withdrawal agreement with the Northern
Ireland protocol. This Parliament voted that withdrawal agreement into UK
legislation. The Government are now changing the operation of that agreement.
Given that, how can the Government reassure future international partners that
the UK can be trusted to abide by the legal obligations in the agreements it
signs?
We have
worked with the EU in a spirit of good faith, and both sides continue to work
in that spirit to implement the arrangements that uphold the fundamental
principles that lie behind the protocol. Of course, our first priority
continues to be to secure agreement on the protocol on the Joint Committee and
on the wider free trade agreement, but the withdrawal agreement and protocol
are not like any other treaty. They were written on the assumption that
subsequent agreements could be reached between us and the EU on the detail—that
is the entire purpose of the specialised Joint Committee—and we continue to
believe that that is possible, but as a responsible Government we cannot allow
our businesses not to have certainty for January. The reality is that the UK
internal market Bill and the Finance Bill are the last legislative opportunities
we have to give the people and businesses of Northern Ireland the confidence
and certainty that we will deliver what we agreed in the protocol, what we
outlined in our manifesto and what we set out in the Command Paper.
International and Domestic Law:
It is not always understood that international law and domestic law operate on different planes (or levels). International law binds States (and certain other international bodies). A Treaty such as the WA is binding in international law on the parties to it. To breach a treaty is a serious matter and can give rise to consequences between the parties. There is also, as Mrs May pointed out, a question of trust as to whether the party breaching the Treaty can be trusted in the future.
Ministers are required by the Ministerial Code which refers to the overarching duty on Ministers to comply with the law. The Code was amended in 2015 and a specific reference to international law was removed but is has been generally assumed that the word "law" includes international law binding on the UK - Post 23 October 2015. In R (Gulf Centre for Human Rights) v Prime Minister [2018] EWCA Civ 1855 it was confirmed that no substantive change was intended when the code was amended.
Ministers are required by the Ministerial Code which refers to the overarching duty on Ministers to comply with the law. The Code was amended in 2015 and a specific reference to international law was removed but is has been generally assumed that the word "law" includes international law binding on the UK - Post 23 October 2015. In R (Gulf Centre for Human Rights) v Prime Minister [2018] EWCA Civ 1855 it was confirmed that no substantive change was intended when the code was amended.
Domestic law operates within the State. In the UK it is the Westminster Parliament which has legal supremacy and can, according to orthodox legal theory, make or unmake any law.
Legally it is therefore within the powers of Parliament to legislate for UK domestic law in the way Mr Brandon suggests BUT there are likely to be considerable adverse international consequences if the UK Parliament does this.
In modern times the UK has been a leading proponent of the international rule of law. The UK is a permanent member of the UN Security Council and, in that role, has often called upon other States to abide by international law and standards. The announcement today therefore marks a serious change in the stance of the UK government. Parliament should reject it.
As mentioned above the Bill is to be published on Wednesday 9 September. Meanwhile the Round 8 talks are on-going. Developments are therefore awaited ...
8 September 2020
No comments:
Post a Comment